Post - pandemic situation – A management affair.

By Manik Sharma

The present pandemic has hit all spheres of human activity. Whether socio, economic or political it is creeping down, depth of which is a specter. At economic front the heavy reliance on industry and service sector is slowed down, even on the verge of closure.

 At social front the existing cleavages of various forms of inequalities like class, race, caste, regional, developmental etc. are joining hands with the pandemic. The pandemic which triggered as a biological phenomenon has now slipped into economic, political and social spheres. The spread of pandemic in all spheres of society can prove more dangerous in a country like India with inadequate infrastructure and fragile social identities. Governments are trying their best to control the pandemic largely through regulating human behavior. Based on researches in social sciences human behavior is usually predicted but in normal situations. The pandemic is new and a crisis is knocking. Therefore in a situation of crisis behavioral predictability is less known. This situation has far reaching future consequences.

I am placing two propositions, which I have come across in these days, for post-pandemic situation in India. Both are primarily political in nature.

1- Whether government will handle the post pandemic situation: After 1990s state-led developmentalism was formally abolished. It was envisioned that the state will no longer remain the prime actor in development rather it has to work in consensus with other actors viz- market and civil society. The subsequent five year plans emphasized the importance of this network governance what is popularly called the hollowing out of state and pushing back the state frontiers. I believe that contrary to the above discourse the governments [states] have only changed the way of governing but essentially maintained their central roles in the processes of governance. This situation is applicable to developed and specific to developing world where states have remained prime actor in resource exchanges and have developed new ways to negotiate with market and civil society while keeping itself as axis of exchange. 

Handling a situation is primarily an affair of the ‘management’. The current dispensation owing to its regressive agenda is a potent force. This government is capable of directing and channelizing the anger, emerged out of a grossly unequal system, to an identity outburst. Tabligi Jammat is one instance. Indian history is wrecked with such narratives. Another factor is its monopoly over ‘instruments’ of management and the capability to utilize them.  Control over new-media, popularly called the ‘lap-media’, backed with [by] an institutionalized organizational setup is capable enough to give effect an authoritative decision taken at the helms. 

Another important point is the growing paradox of economic unrest on the one hand and the management of political stability on the other. The governments have learned to manage this paradox. Governments are increasingly proximate to core of capital production centers in the last two decades. They happily announce themselves as ‘lap-governments’. However it is interesting to see how growing economic instability is managed by growing political stability. This paradox deems not fit under typical Marxist understanding of base and superstructure.

2- Will the situation led to a fundamental change in the nature of state? - Drawing from the above explanation it appears that no fundamental change is waiting. Due to internal economic pressure the state may clings to introduce some changes which can appear reformatory but not fundamental.

However there are some weak links which can be possible triggers. The economic situation of middle class is a weak link in the chain but at the same time the petty psychology of this class is prone certain adjustments. The ever growing consumption will be restricted leading to discomfort to this section. Small and medium scale enterprises will be the worst suffers of this pandemic. If not subsidized they may push for a change. However, there is no doubt that the rich will be bailed out.

Another possibility is the change of government because of its non-performance on economic fronts like unemployment, GDP dip, farmers distress etc. but that that will not led to change in nature of state. A lot of farmer’s anger and youth’s disenchantment is already tested. The politics of demagogue has large share in settling down this discontent. The state will essentially remain as a third world avatar of neo-liberal setup.

Majority rural mass- essentially passive in decision making but regressive at psychological level- is known for its amorphous character. Lack of a constructive force to lead this mass in the country side may diffuse the situation. At the most the government can introduced some welfarist measures for which institutional management is already performed. The massive opening of Jan-dhan accounts is one such example for this.

Concluding the chat I will say that the poors and the issues of lower rungs of our country have never been priority to governments in India. Evidence shows they can be managed by small perks (roti, kapda aur makaan) announced at the peak of unrest. The large chunk of working class is unorganized. The ‘loose-opposition at party-political level is not a potential force to lead this discontented mass. Anti-incumbency for the present dispensation is not relevant at the present juncture. Owing to the control on the means of communication and institutionalization of regressive politics this dispensation is capable of managing the crisis. Last but not the least the personality cult-culture   in  India can easily absorb a meaning-full change. Therefore whatever will happen will come from the state and by the state and not ‘from the society’. Well, social service is one way to satisfy conscious-self.